"Just yesterday, two judges, slaves, judges, of the Constitutional Court, declared to their friends that: we understand that Edi Rama has come to an end, but we are still being asked to vote in his favor on the 18th. This is the truth. You know, read the book, find out who they are. This is the truth. Therefore, I have no doubt that he will not lift his immunity, because as soon as he lifts the first immunity, he will be forced to lift the second, his own, and he does not do this. He does not do it. Then the opposition people will speak with their most beautiful language: the language of the fight for freedom and dignity."
This was Sali Berisha's statement yesterday and, despite this, what was stated is extremely serious, both politically and legally. Apart from the error regarding the date 18 (most likely it is January 22, the day when the trial in the Constitutional Court for Edi Rama's request on the Balluku case was postponed), the rest clearly constitutes information about a criminal offense that is or is being committed in the highest institution of justice in the country.
This is not an emotional outburst, nor a hyperbole of the moment. Berisha provides structured data: the pressure was exerted “yesterday”, on December 23; it was done independently on each judge; the object of the pressure is a decision in favor of Edi Rama, a party to the process; and the judges are men. Of the four men on the Constitutional Court, two voted against Rama (Ilir Toska and Asim Vokshi). Thus, the allusion falls on two others, Sandër Beci and Genti Ibrahimi, who, as all of Albania knows, voted in favor of Rama’s request two weeks ago.
This picture is reinforced by the statement made two days ago on a television show by the head of the DP parliamentary group, Gazmend Bardhi, who publicly admitted that a Constitutional Court judge had requested a re-vote after “rethinking” his position, due to unprecedented pressure. Bardhi even claims that he has denounced this pressure to internationals.
"Mr. Berisha praised the courage of the prosecutors on several issues. Berisha spoke about the Constitutional Court, because what it decided was unprecedented: it suspended the decision of the GJKKO. The vote there was 4 to 4, so in favor of SPAK for the suspension from office. But one of the judges said 'let's put it to the vote again because I changed my mind'. I don't know his name and I don't deal with specific names, but I can say that unprecedented pressure is being exerted on the Constitutional Court. I have also denounced to the international community the pressure that was being exerted on the Constitutional Court and that brought about this very situation where the judge requested a revote. I don't know if this is illegal, but Mr. Berisha spoke about this: about the pressure on the Constitutional Court and the fact of the courage that the prosecution has shown."
It seems clear that Mr. Bardhi is also aware of a pressure scenario, this time against a member of the Constitutional Court, who has changed his mind due to this pressure and ultimately voted in favor of Edi Rama.
In fact, neither one nor the other speaks by names. And this is precisely where the problem lies. So, we have two high-ranking opposition figures who speak of concrete pressure on the Constitutional Court. But both stop at the same limit: they do not name names, they do not file criminal charges, they do not activate the only mechanism that separates political denunciation from institutional responsibility.
In the public interest, but also in the interest of the opposition itself, the names should be made public, followed by a respective criminal report. It is unimaginable what can be defended by these two high-ranking figures of the DP, at a time when everyone, big and small, has understood the scandalous dimension of Rama's government, the criminalization and systemic corruption in almost every cell of it. On other occasions, both Sali Berisha and Gazmend Bardhi have spoken openly about names, places and concrete events.
The only thing these two characters did not do this time was to address SPAK, either for exercising illegal influence at worst, or for abuse of office by the judges themselves at best. Of course, the desertion of Adriana Kala from their ranks, who, for the sake of the truth, systematically filed criminal reports, cannot serve as an excuse.
It is clear that these characters, but also another part of what is called the DP, are insincere in their "final battle for freedom and dignity" in the Balluku case. They only produce noise, scandals and "bomb finds" for media attention, but do not perform the minimum and most effective act to succeed: filing a criminal complaint. Such an action would make both those who exert pressure and those who accept it more restrained. Public interest would win and, why not, even the opposition itself.
Sali Berisha is careful to specify that it is about two judges, two men. In fact, those who voted for Edi Rama two weeks ago are five members. According to this logic, they have also been under pressure: two men and three women. Among them is the judge that Sali Berisha has publicly praised for her integrity, Sonila Bejtja, who voted for Edi Rama and against SPAK to suspend the GJKKO decision, paving the way for Balluk's return to office. Regarding this fact, neither Sali Berisha, nor Gazmend Bardhi, nor anyone else in that headquarters has stuttered a single word.
That the Constitutional Court has been under pressure, neither the doctor nor Gazi needs to tell us. What they are shouting from the opposition headquarters seems to be the call for an agreement with Edi Rama, who today is really in his most difficult political situation, perhaps even without return. Not thanks to Sali Berisha, but thanks to SPAK and GJKKO, the very institutions that Berisha attacks every day. Understanding Rama's difficult situation, Berisha and his followers are asking him to sit down at the table to find "common solutions" for common problems.
Showing how many traffic fines Ergys Agasi has received, or that there are videos of his car in the convoy with the prime minister's escort, or claiming that the judges of the Constitutional Court "confessed" to the doctor that they know that Edi Rama is finished, but under pressure they will vote for him again, is not a request to overthrow the system. It is simply a reminder to Edi Rama that, no matter how bad the situation is, fluid alliances can be the salvation and oxygen to prolong the life of a government. The end of the cycle is not coming from the battle with the opposition nor from the alternatives to it, but only from facing justice.
So, if they are serious about this battle with Rama in the name of justice, whether Berisha or Bardhi, let them write two fingers of paper and take the issue of pressure from members of the Constitutional Court to SPAK. If not today, which is a holiday, tomorrow the offices of the Special Prosecutor's Office are open. Otherwise, let them continue to deal with car license plates and Ergys Agas wine. There they are in their habitat and in the game of Edi Rama's interests. Justice and public interest require something more than giallo and stories from those of Elisa Spiropali's films!
