In 2013, when it became clear that the DP would leave power, also due to the breakdown of the alliance with the SMI, instead of focusing on strengthening its ranks and accumulating every vote for its loyalists, it began distributing roles to SP exponents that Edi Rama had begun to sideline.
This was evident from the moment a seat was reserved for Kastriot Islam, one of the most aggressive figures in the Socialist Party against the Democrats. He is remembered by many Democrats for his calls for skulls to be broken against protesters.
Subsequently, it became a continuous practice to comfort the permanent leaders of several small, insignificant parties, which have caused the most costs to the DP, by providing them with parliamentary seats and leadership positions in institutions for their family members.
But that wasn't all. Over time, there was also no shortage of attention for left-wing figures who, during their time in power, had mercilessly fought every Democrat and every administration led by Democrats.
Among the most controversial episodes was the amalgamation created with one of the corrupt figures of the Renaissance, Arben Ahmetaj, who was transformed into a kind of opposition hero.
Recently, we have also seen scenes that many consider among the most unacceptable: the former vice president of the Democratic Party and former speaker of Parliament publicly displaying a kind of longing for left-wing figures like Namik Dokle.
Meanwhile, in the latest anti-government protest – which in theory should serve to increase the spirit of overthrowing a government accused of corruption – another voice from Shkodra sought to feed this spirit by complaining that today there are no more "real" socialists like Arta Dade and Ermelinda Meksi.
This approach raises serious questions: are we dealing with political confusion, a deliberate forgetting of history, or simply a misreading of it?
Because for many democrats, Arta Dade and Ermelinda Meksi represent important figures of the left, linked to a tense period of Albanian political history, including 1997 and the strong political clashes of that time.
In this context, spending even 30 seconds at an opposition protest to nostalgically mention such figures, while many oppositionists claim to have been politically oppressed for years, seems to some like a sign of political weakness.
The pattern of this longing, which for some begins with Topalli and appears today in other figures, according to internal critics of the opposition, has pushed the DP towards an unclear identity.
And when an opposition party loses clarity about itself and its history, it risks ending up in the same state that many critics attribute to Albania today under the government of Edi Rama: a system that only produces departures.
In the end, a bitter irony remains: if the opposition hopes for the votes of Arta Dade or Ermelinda Meksi, then perhaps those votes will be all they have left.
