Today's meeting of the Mandates Council, as far as the media reported and as far as political representatives said, brought to light some great truths.
First, the facts that penalize Balluk are much deeper and broader than it seemed. Evidence has been collected not only of abuse, but also of witness intimidation — even by criminal exponents.
Secondly, SPAK is conducting investigations outside of political influences or colorings. The process against it was not initiated on a political basis, but purely legal. This proves the political impartiality and institutional independence of SPAK — a fact that has finally been accepted even by the DP itself, which has long attacked it for its political orientation.
Third, it seems that the SP maintains its position that it will not lift Balluk's immunity, and this is intended only as a measure of protection from justice. The justifications of Manja or Balla — that "just suspension from duty is enough" or that "everyone is innocent until convicted by a final decision" — are simply avoidance of embarrassment, and sometimes even taking the position of the top prosecutor, as Manja does, by appearing at the request of the prosecution.
Fourth, and most importantly, is the change in the position of the DP. They seem extremely zealous and devoted in supporting SPAK for the professional work they have done.
And here a not insignificant moral problem arises — for both the SP and the DP.
Two or so years ago, it was the same SPAK that, for even more serious accusations than those of Balluk, in the Berisha case, requested the lifting of immunity. Everyone remembers the diametrically opposed behavior of each side. The PS swore to respect justice and not create obstacles to it — they even voted as a bloc, both in the Mandates Council and in the session, to lift immunity. On the other hand, the DP and Berisha went so far as to set the Assembly hall on fire and organize protests outside its premises with militants. Even at that time, DP exponents, such as Noka, Bardhi and Bucukbashi, claimed in every public appearance that the request for lifting immunity was in violation of the Constitution, that the opposition was being attacked (citing the cases of Meta and Mediu), that SPAK was a blind tool of power and that it was acting on Rama's orders. And in the end, they did not vote to lift Berisha's immunity.
Today, more than ever, it is time for this type of opposition — but also politics as a whole — to take strong political action. Not so much to regain the public's trust, which they seem to have lost forever, but to avoid creating obstacles to justice.
It's very simple. The only obstacle facing justice today is maintaining immunity in the Constitution. Rama is scrambling here to protect Balluku — and in the future, apparently, others as well. A change in the Constitution or the Rules of Procedure of the Assembly must be made, because it is being understood that immunity is simply an add-on that hinders SPAK and justice.
It is clear that this requires the votes of the majority. But the opposition has the power to make a great and strong moral and political act: unilaterally, to remove the mandates themselves. This would be a very strong blow to Rama's corrupt government — more powerful than ten protests with Molotov cocktails and fireworks. The Albanian public, especially those who understand Berisha's hypocrisy, would accept it as a sign of honesty from the opposition. This would be the strongest weapon that an opposition could have in these conditions.
With a SPAK that now dares and acts openly against the top brass, with a broad and clear public about what Rama represents, and full of faith in SPAK's uncompromising fight — if it were to happen that the opposition were to take such an action, then the political arena in Albania would be outlined as a confrontation between Rama and his own people on the one hand, and SPAK, the opposition public on the other. And the weapon against Rama — justice — would gain the highest levels of public and international trust, exponentially increasing the blow against crime and government corruption.
Can the opposition and Berisha make this move? Do they have the courage?
It is now clear that SPAK does not play politically — so there is no reason to politically attack the opposition. It is interested in attacking corruption on every side. But is the opposition also interested in this? Because the public is constantly looking for precisely this behavior.
