Ten years after the hemodialysis concession was given to a private company, Sali Berisha has revealed that there may be corruption there too. The DP leader spoke this week about monopolies, predetermined tenders, offshore transfers and even “suitcases with millions.” Only one thing was missing from his denunciation: the names of those who benefited from the concession.
Asked about the problems of hemodialysis, Berisha described the scheme as "clearly flagrant as an act of corruption."
"Before the tender is announced, the suitcase with millions is taken or transfers are made to their offshore accounts. And this is a crime," he declared.
The accusation is serious. But Berisha did not explain who took the "suitcase", who delivered it, and what evidence the claim is based on.
And, above all, he did not mention Klodian Allajbeu.
Concession documents show that the 10-year hemodialysis contract was signed on February 10, 2016. The winning bidder was a consortium of operators including "Evita" and "American Hospital", along with other companies, while "DiaVita" was created to implement the contract.
In DiaVita’s initial structure, 85 percent of the shares were controlled by “Evita” and 15 percent by “American Hospital.” A 2015 BIRN investigation documented that Evita’s owner, Majlinda Fetiu, was the first cousin of Klodian Allajbeu, the administrator of the American Hospital.
So Allajbeu's connection to the history of the concession is not a 2026 discovery. It has been public for more than a decade.
Later, ownership changed. In 2019, control of DiaVita passed to the Swedish company “Diaverum International AB”. But this does not change the history of the concession and its initial structure.
Even more interesting is the opposition's selective political memory.
In 2024, at the request of the Democratic Party, the Assembly established a parliamentary investigative committee on healthcare concessions, led by Democratic MP Albana Vokshi. But the official object of that committee was very specific: sterilization and check-ups.
Dialysis wasn't there.
So, when the opposition had the parliamentary instrument in hand to investigate healthcare PPPs, the concession that Berisha today describes as a "suitcase with millions" was not included in the scope of the investigation.
The concession has not gone without institutional questions. The Supreme State Audit Office has identified problems related to the method of financing and payment for the service, while the Competition Authority has noted the massive shift of dialysis from public hospitals to private ones and the concessionaire.
So, the problem is not that Sali Berisha is denouncing a concession by the Rama government today. The problem is why it took him ten years.
And especially why, even now that he talks about corruption, monopolies, offshore and suitcases with millions, he stops right before the names.
In Albanian politics, the relationship with concessionaires seems to have a strange cycle: for years, they may not exist at all in political denunciations, while when relationships change, the "suitcases" are suddenly revealed.
Because from denunciation to the truth, the opposition sometimes has a very long way to go. Especially when the beneficiaries of government tenders are not only its clients, but from time to time also turn out to be "part-time" clients of the opposition.
