We saw the funeral ceremony of the three-time former Prime Minister of the Republic of Albania and former Chairman of the Socialist Party, Mr. Fatos Nano, a magnificent state organization, as befits the Prime Minister of a country. We heard words of praise for the deceased, but also for the speakers themselves. Sad faces, mixed scenography and costume design, tears and sobs, comforting and strengthening hugs, which in themselves induce sadness in the soul. I feel sorry and express my condolences for the man, father, husband, companion, friend or relative, Fatos, who left this world, perhaps at a not very advanced age, and sincerely say "May he rest in peace". This is human grief. But sadness in the soul is caused by the short memory, hypocrisy and alienation of the figure of politician Nano on behalf of all Albanians.
The official mourning was nothing more than state and political protocol, and the hypocrisy of government officials, parliamentarians, and politicians of all stripes. But not national mourning for the very losses and damages caused to Albanian politics and the state by the former leader of the Socialist Party, politician Nano.
Nano, if not the origin, is among the pioneers of state corruption, which began at the time of the distribution of food aid in the early 1990s, when the Albanian people were in a state of 50-year famine. He further sophisticated this corruption by returning to the prime ministership after 1997 and dividing the government into pieces of fiefdoms according to ministries with the respective feudal minister and the prime minister as the feudal lord. The level of corruption that entered the privatization process is unforgettable, especially the privatization of strategic sectors, the oil trade, cigarettes, alcoholic beverages, customs and taxes. Corruption in Albania became so rampant that it was no longer a secret that civil movements against corruption were supported with USAID funding.
Nano created the model of the part-time prime minister, part of the time in the office and the rest in the casinos, or the Greek bozouks, compromising the seriousness of the institution of the prime minister and installing the model of an irresponsible statesman uninterested in governance, direction and good administration of his people.
Under Nano's rule, models of militant administration and nepotistic governance with friends, associates and relatives, with wives or husbands of Socialist Party figures began to take shape, as well as distributing business favors and building permits to this group. It was also during this rule that the symbiosis of clientelistic businesses of those in power began, which nurtured their business at the expense of free competition and ensured the enrichment of those in power.
Nano did not reform any party. Nano was given the task of leading a camouflage of the former Party of Labor of Albania. Anyone who has created even the slightest conviction that there was a reform of the Albanian left in Albania either has a pronounced lack of intelligence, or is himself part of the camouflage game, and in this binary of arguments there is no room for a third. The aggressiveness of the Socialist Party shown since April 2, 1991, an extremely harsh opposition SP after the elections of March 22, 1992 (facilitated also by the groups pro-appeasement policy with communism within the DP, who today want to portray us as farsighted PD-ists) and an opposition SP in 1997 that willingly and willingly became a party to an anti-Istanbul and anti-Albania riot and protested with three Serbian fingers is not a reformed left. A SP that took power with the mouth of the Kalash, came to power in 1997 and showed the same cruelty towards the non-socialist part of the people by inciting waves of protests, dismissals, mass emigration, not only is it not a reformed left, but it showed that it remained faithful to the wildest teachings of the Party of Labor. The wave of discrimination within the state with the spread of the anti-North spirit (let's just remember the epithets of mountaineer and Chechen), the special mistreatment that was done to Shkodra and the creation of a government and administration almost exclusively from the First Operational Zone showed that the left and the government headed by Nano were completely unreformed and openly restored the pre-1990 governing model and clans. It is this extremist bed and source of the Nanoist left on which Edi Rama's Renaissance left was further consolidated, which has restored the pre-1990 governing structure to full working order.
Nano did not bring liberalism, nor tolerance, nor a spirit of cooperation. The anarchism he introduced into government is not liberalism, on the contrary, in the case of Albania with weak institutions, anarchism is a street dictatorship for the ordinary citizen and the opposition. It is not true that the opposition was not arrested and persecuted during Nano's governments. If Berisha escaped this fate, this does not make Nano tolerant and peaceful. Perhaps he has calculated his strength. Even his resignations from the head of government are not a sign of liberalism, they have been moments of clashes within the socialist gang and power relations. Such was the situation in 2005, when he led the SP into opposition as a result of his misgovernance and quarrels with his own (Ilir Meta's faction).
Above all, Nano has never shown any sign of patriotism and respect for the history and interests of his country and the Albanian people. The excitement and exultation of the government and the SP in the face of the unjust and dishonest advancement of Greek interests in Albania, as a reward for the valuable alliance they created in the events of 1997, marking the only case in the countries of former Central and Eastern Europe that communists returned to power with violent uprisings to the detriment of the interests of the state and the national interest, are not forgotten. Even more open have been the attitudes, actions and political rhetoric against national interests and the insult to the feelings of the people in Kosovo, especially with the two infamous expressions that "the capital of Kosovo is Belgrade" and "Milosevic is the man who knows how to make both war and peace" (the massacre of the Albanian people in Kosovo best showed how peaceful Milosevic was). Of course, Prime Minister Rama praises this trait, because he continues in the same anti-national policy. Perhaps Albin Kurti did not do wrong to leave the difficult electoral campaign and the troubles of his state with unconstituted institutions and spend a few hours mourning in Tirana, for the man who least loved an independent Kosovo. We hope that Albin's grief for the Albanian left will increase his votes in the elections that await him.
Nano has left a dangerous legacy that even today erodes politics and governance in Albania: the famous KPD meeting. We cannot forget the insults, the profanity and all the blackness they brought out about each other, with those who today called him friend and brother, in the name of seizing power and then kissing for the blackness of Albania. What remained was the further destruction of the hope of Albanians to one day have someone good at the helm. From that moment on, the model of the bandit statesman was firmly consolidated, against which the people find it difficult to fight and consequently chose the path of departure by emigrating.
From the entire parade of hypocrisy of messages, and especially the prime minister's speech, perhaps the most accurate and true expression that would be said about Fatos Nano would be: Farewell "Robert Çumçakizi"! Be happy for the life you lived. While you did not honor Albania. Leave the burden, as you yourself said, to the nail clipper and the icon thief. Only the wicked you left behind love you.
